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Threatened by the Jihad
by Steven Emerson
FrontPageMagazine.com
March 14, 2007
On January 26, 2007, I appeared on Fox News Channel's Hannity and Colmes program to discuss a January 8, 2007 meeting between the Attorney General of the United States and various Muslim and Arab groups, some of which have a long history of supporting terrorist groups and extremist ideologies. In response to a question from Alan Colmes about the importance of "good relations" between Attorney General Gonzales and the Muslim community, I stated, "[b]ut when you say the ‘Muslim community' – [the Attorney General] is anointing them representatives of the Muslim community, when in fact there are many others who support the war on terrorism, who don't tell their members not to cooperate with the FBI, who don't support Hamas and Hezbollah, unlike members of this group. So, in fact, I think it's wrong to confer legitimacy on those very organizations that inhibit cooperation with the FBI, that support Hamas or justify Hezbollah, and who are radical in terms of portraying the war on terrorism as a war against Islam."
On February 16, 2007, MPAC's lawyer sent me a letter demanding an apology for my allegedly "[f]alse statements about the Muslim Public Affairs Council on Hannity and Colmes." The letter demands that I "immediately issue a public apology and … cease and desist from making false statements about MPAC," and that "MPAC is willing to pursue all available legal remedies" should I not comply with MPAC's demands.
And what are the allegedly "false statements" MPAC is claiming I made? That "MPAC told its ‘members not to cooperate with the FBI,'" and that MPAC "are the ones radicalizing their community." Now let's analyze those charges by looking at MPAC's own words.
First, that MPAC has instructed American Muslims not to cooperate with the FBI:
MPAC and its lawyers claim this to be untrue. But at a July 1, 2005 ISNA conference in Dallas, MPAC Executive Director Salam Al-Marayati did just that. Al-Marayati, speaking of the FBI's terrorism investigation in Lodi and the use of Muslim informants in that case, California, told the assembled crowd of Muslim-Americans, "[c]ounter-terrorism and counter-violence should be defined by us. We should define how an effective counter-terrorism policy should be pursued in this country. So, number one, we reject any effort, notion, suggestion that Muslims should start spying on one another." Right there, Al-Marayati is instructing Muslim Americans to not even attempt to observe any extremism or terrorist activity in their community, and even if they should observe something troubling, to not inform law enforcement authorities, that the duty owed to the Muslim community by the government is greater than to society at large.
And Al-Marayati continued, "Law enforcement is going to come to your mosque. It already has as far as I can tell. Everywhere I go, either somebody tells me that officials have met with them publicly or they tell me that they know who those folks are that are representing law enforcement. So we know they have communicated one way or the other with the Muslim community. The question is how do you deal with it in a healthy, open, transparent manner. That is why we are saying have them come in community forums, in open-dialogues, so they come through the front door and you prevent them having to come from the back door."
Here, Al-Marayati is instructing Muslim Americans not to cooperate with the FBI's preferred methods of investigation, and that, as he stated earlier, it is the Muslim community, and its so-called leaders, that should define the terms of the FBI's investigation. That approach can hardly be described as full-fledged cooperation with law enforcement. Far from it, in fact. Al-Marayati used the Lodi case as an excuse to tell Muslim Americans not to deal with the FBI directly. Demanding that the American Muslim community only work with FBI agents and other law enforcement in public forums clearly detracts from the ability of investigators to do their job, which is to protect American citizens from the threat of radical Islamist terrorists. MPAC, and groups like it, are also clearly seeking to intrude into and ultimately to dominate the relationship between the law enforcement and the Muslim community, ensuring that the degree of allowable cooperation is regulated by these self-appointed leaders.
And why did Mr. Al-Marayati not urge his listeners in Dallas that they should extend full cooperation to the FBI and law enforcement community at every instance, rather than to demand a specific approach which is debilitating from an investigatory standpoint? Or that law abiding American Muslims need some sort of self-appointed intermediary when working with the FBI? And how can people feel comfortable providing information to law enforcement if they can only do so in an open forum? I will leave that to the reader to decide. But one thing is clear: MPAC is on the record telling American Muslims not to directly cooperate with the FBI, while at the same time advocating an impractical or impossible way for those who actually have information to relay it to law enforcement.
Now let's analyze the other alleged "false statement": that MPAC serves to radicalize the American Muslim community:
This claim is even easier to demonstrate, as MPAC officials give speeches and quotes to the media that can only serve to alienate and radicalize Muslims who hear them. The constant refrain: a conspiracy theory that the War on Terror is a contrivance of the U.S. government and is really a "War against Islam." Such a conspiracy dismissed legitimate efforts by law enforcement to fight terrorism and terrorist financing perpetrated on U.S. soil. By virtue of the sheer number of times MPAC officials (and, for that matter, officials of other U.S.-based Islamist groups,) have made that claim, it is impossible to include them all here. But here are several instances that easily serve to make the point:
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Aslam Abdullah, MPAC Vice Chairman and Editor of the MPAC-linked magazine, the Minaret, in a 2002 online forum entitled, "The Truth behind America's War on Terrorism," wrote, "[t]here are three specific lobbies that are turning the ongoing war on terrorism against Islam. The Christian Evangelicals who want to see Muslims converted, the political Zionists who want to see Muslim [sic] politically obliterated, and the Hindu Extremists who want to see Muslim [sic] humiliated…Mr. Bush and his administration have not been able to challenge these lobbies. Many members of these lobbies are in the administration and in FBI, law enforcement and even Congress."[1] (emphasis added)
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MPAC "hate crime prevention coordinator" in May 2004, speaking to the Inter Press Service article reported, "The war on terror is a war, really, on a community that is being connected to the (9/11) hijackers."[2]
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In a January 2002 article in the Minaret, stated that, "[s]ince the Sept. 11 attack on the Twin Towers and the Pentagon, the U.S. government has pursued a policy where it has targeted Islamic, Arab and Palestinian organizations and individuals, in a manner that often lacks legal legitimacy."[3]
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And al-Marayati, in the Los Angeles Times in March 2003, blasted "the FBI's policy of targeting people because of their race and religion." He added, "That's what they've been doing since the attacks, and we don't know of any case that has resulted in the arrest, indictment or prosecution of a terrorist."[4]
A recent study conducted by the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) has concluded that the repeated use of "War on Islam" mantra is directly related to the radicalization of the "homegrown" jihadists.[5]
Al-Marayati also infamously told an L.A. radio station after 9/11, "[i]f we're going to look at suspects we should look to the groups that benefit the most from these kinds of incidents, and I think we should put the state of Israel on the suspect list," engaging in the very kind of conspiracy theories heard in the most radical quarters around the globe. Additionally, MPAC officials have defended Hezbollah, blasted the U.S. government for actions taken to stop the funding of Hamas by U.S. front organizations, and repeatedly defended convicted Palestinian Islamic Jihad operative Sami al-Arian, downplaying his jihadist exhortations and claiming that his prosecution was merely "political."
As a well-known analyst of militant Islamist groups in the United States, I have been a target of a vicious smear campaign by organizations which are afraid of having the bright light of day shone on their words and deeds. For example, in December 2004, MPAC, published a "policy" paper titled "Counterproductive Counterterrorism," in which more than 20 of the 48 pages were at their core a personal hit piece against me. And after failing to de-legitimize me through character assassination, MPAC is now threatening to silence me using the court system.
Legal action has become a mainstay of radical Islamist organizations seeking to intimidate and silence their critics. In September 2005, journalist Robert King, writing in the Indianapolis Star, outlined the strategy[6]:
Sayyid Syeed, the secretary general of ISNA (Islamic Society of North America), a group generally less vocal than CAIR (Council on American-Islamic Relations), earlier in the weekend said his organization is considering filing defamation lawsuits against some of its sharpest critics.
King goes on to write that one of the potential targets frequently cited by America's Muslim leaders is yours truly. And why is that? Because I have spent more than a decade exposing radical Islamists in the United States, many of whom are functioning in leadership capacities in these very groups in question. CAIR by the way, as King noted, has repeatedly taken to the courts, fortunately with very little success, to stifle criticism. Thankfully, the First Amendment protections granted by the U.S. Constitution do not favor this latest tactic employed by the Islamist groups.
MPAC cannot stand to have its agenda exposed, especially when it comes in the form of having its own words, and the words of its officials, used against them. In their minds, any such efforts need to be stifled. MPAC's smear tactics have not worked, and as such, their lawyers have now stated that "MPAC is willing to pursue all available legal remedies" to silence me. MPAC's bullying attempt to stifle free speech will not stand. Such tactics should be vigorously opposed, and MPAC, like CAIR before it, must learn that legal threats will not work to stifle legitimate criticism, especially when the facts underlying the criticism are both well documented, and as is often the case, straight out of the horse's mouth, so to speak.
Notes:
[1] Aslam Abdullah, "The Truth Behind America's War on Terrorism," November 30, 2002.
[2] Amantha Perera, "US Muslims Fear Second Term for Patriot Act," Inter Press Service, May 7, 2004.
[3] "Relief Groups Shut Down," The Minaret, January 2002.
[4] H.G. Reza, "FBI Has a Pledge and a Request for Muslims," The Los Angeles Times, March 16, 2003.
[5] Stewart Bell, "Jihadization of youth a 'rapid process'; CSIS: Study Of Extremism," National Post, January 26, 2007.
[6] Robert King, "Muslims aim to challenge critics in America; Convention seminar focuses on best ways for followers to respond when their faith is attacked," Indianapolis Star, September 5, 2005.